Eğitim, insanla birlikte var olan bir olgudur. Eğitimin ilmî bir disiplin hâlini alması ise yenidir. Yakın döneme kadar eğitim, din eğitimi, ahlâk ve değer eğitimi şeklinde birbirinden ayrı alanlar da söz konusu değildir. Dolayısıyla bunların ilmî birer disiplin olarak birbirlerinden ayrılmaları da yeni bir hadisedir. Zira tarihsel süreçte eğitim, dinî ve ahlâkî bir karakteri haiz olup bunların her biri diğerinden bağımsız alanlar olarak telakki edilmemiştir. Burada din, eğitime anlamlı gaye ve hedefler sağlarken ahlâk, hem dinin hem de eğitimin önemli amaçlarından (...) birini teşkil etmektedir. Ayrıca tam anlamıyla tahakkuk etmesi, olumlu ve dengeli bir kişilik oluşturması adına eğitimin dinî ve ahlâkî karakteri de önem arz etmektedir. Bu nedenle günümüzde eğitim, din eğitimi, değer ve ahlâk eğitimi şeklindeki adlandırmaların tarihsel süreçte hangi kavramlara karşılandığının ya da hangi kavramlarla ilişkili olduğunun ortaya konması büyük bir önemi haizdir. Ehl-i Sünnet kelâmının ve tasavvufun kurucu isimleri arasında yer alan Hâris el-Muhâsibî (öl. 243/857), insanın dinamik yapısını oluşturan, onun olumlu-olumsuz eylemlerinin kaynağı konumundaki kalp, akıl ve nefsin belli bir ölçü ve denge içerisinde eğitilmesi gerektiği üzerinde duran, bu yönde çok sayıda kavrama yer veren erken dönem âlimlerinden birisidir. Muhâsibî’nin insanın içten dışa değişimi ve dönüşümü, onun eğitimi ve öğretimiyle ilgili farklı kavramlara değindiği görülmektedir. Bu yönüyle çalışmamız, Muhâsibî’nin -günümüzdeki anlamıyla- eğitim, din ve ahlâk eğitimiyle ilgili yer verdiği kavramları konu edinmekte, bunları hangi anlamlarda kullanıldığını ortaya koymayı amaçlamaktadır. Bu şekilde eğitime dair kavramların gelenekten tevarüs edilen birikimle ve klasik metinler bağlamında ele alınması, eğitimin günümüzdeki muhtevasını, yaşadığı değişimleri, daralmaları vs. anlamayı daha da kolaylaştıracaktır. Hem kavramların hem de bunların sahip olduğu muhtevanın tespit edilmesi bağlamında öncelikle Muhâsibî’nin eserlerinden istifade edilmiştir. Buna göre araştırma yazılı dokümanların incelenmesi yöntemiyle ele alınmıştır. Muhâsibî’nin başta edeb olmak üzere eğitime dair ele aldığı kavramlar -dönemin genel anlayışına uygun olarak- dinî ve ahlâkî bir tema taşımaktadır. Ta‘lîm/te‘allum, ders/tedrîs, edeb/te’dîb, tasfiye, tathîr, ıslâh ve mücâhede (mücâdele ve mükâbede) Muhâsibî’nin yer verdiği başlıca kavramlardır. Terbiye, tehzîb, tezkiye ve riyâzet gibi kavramlara ise ya hiç değinmediği ya da çok az değindiği görülmektedir. Muhâsibî, bunlardan edeble -bilhassa tasavvuf çevresinde ele alındığı şekliyle- dinî/ahlâkî bir içerikle ve daha çok nefsin terbiye edilmesi yönüyle ilgilenmiştir. Bunun yanında diğer kavramların da benzer bir içerikle ele alındığı gözlenmektedir. (shrink)

17. yy. da Osmanlıların bir eyaleti olan Trablusgarb’da doğup büyüyen Ahmed b. Huseyn el-Behlûl, Mısır’ın önemli ilim adamlarından eğitim almış sonra memleketine dönmüştür. Osmanlı dönemi şairi Ahmed el-Behlûl, şairlik yönünün yanı sıra Akâid sahasında Durretu’l-‘Akâi’d, Fıkıh sahasında el-Mu‘ayyene ve el-‘Izziyye ve Arap Dili ve Edebiyatı sahasında el-Makâmetu’l-Vitriyye gibi eserleri telif ederek çeşitli sahalarla ilgilenmiş bir âlimdir. Behlûl, ed-Durru’l-Asfâ ve’z-Zebercedu’l-Musaffâ fî Medhi’l-Mustafâ ismiyle meşhur divânını tamamıyla Hz. Muhammed’i medhe tahsis etmiştir. Başta Libya olmak üzere Kuzey Afrika’da meşhur olan Divan, Kâdî ‘İyâz’ın (...) el-‘Iyâdiyye isimli manzumesine yazılmış bir tahmis olup Arap alfabesinin 29 harfinin her biriyle başlayıp beşlemelerin sonlarını da yine aynı harfle bitirdiği 29 kasideden oluşur. Şair, divanında Hz. Peygamber’in doğumu, nesebi, güzel ahlakı ve şemâili, mucizeleri, şirkin onunla ortadan kalktığı, şefaati, peygamberler arasındaki üstünlüğü, yaşadığı kutsal mekânlar, O’na duyulan özlem, O’na, Ehli Beytine ve Ashabına salavât getirmenin önemi, O’nun günah ve hatadan kurtarıcı olması ve ümmeti olmanın ayrıcalığı konularına değinmiştir. (shrink)

Although a growing body of research has shown the positive impact of ethical leadership on workplace deviance, questions remain as to whether its benefits are consistent across all situations. In this investigation, we explore an important boundary condition of ethical leadership by exploring how employees’ moral awareness may lessen the need for ethical leadership. Drawing on substitutes for leadership theory, we suggest that when individuals already possess a heightened level of moral awareness, ethical leadership’s role in reducing deviant actions may (...) be reduced. However, when individuals lack this strong moral disposition, ethical leadership may be instrumental in inspiring them to reduce their deviant actions. To enhance the external validity and generalizability of our findings, the current research used two large field samples of working professionals in both Turkey and the USA. Results suggest that ethical leadership’s positive influence on workplace deviance is dependent upon the individual’s moral awareness—helpful for those employees whose moral awareness is low, but not high. Thus, our investigation helps to build theory around the contingencies of ethical leadership and the specific audience for whom it may be more influential. (shrink)

One of the most important problems of Muslim societies and humanity is the conflicts and troubles among spouses and between parents and their children in the family. problems. Research is carried out and answers are sought for the solution of these problems, but the dissolution in families cannot be prevented and the divorce rate increases day by day. Besides being a prophet, the Messenger of Allah (pbuh) is a servant of Allah and a human being. It is seen that there (...) were problems in the homes of the Prophet (pbuh), both between him and his wives, and among his wives. Since the creation of human beings has not changed, the Prophet's (pbuh) attitudes and solutions to these problems are important for the solution of family problems happening today. It is seen that the Messenger of Allah (pbuh) reacted to these problems and discussions far above his age and he treated his wives and solved the problems as modern researchers and scientists recommend in the recent world. The purpose of sending the Messenger of Allah (pbuh) is to convey the religion of Allah to people. For this reason, he was given orders regarding the most private matters of his private life when appropriate. Human's happiness in this world and in the hereafter can only be achieved by recognizing this perfect example. This can be achieved by learning about his personality as an individual and his family life as a family. The conflict of values among spouses in the family, life perspective, personality and priority differences are the basis of the problems. In addition, changes in personality especially after marriage, loss of love and respect for each other, and jealousy are the main situations that harm marriage. Many marriages end because of miscommunication. There are many people who try to solve problems by being cold towards their spouse and taking a stand towards him/her. If a man is married to many women, as in the example of the Prophet (pbuh), the main problem he encounters is jealousy and the resulting unrest. In a family, there are joyful and happy moments as well as unhappy moments and times. It is very natural for family members to quarrel with each other and to have disagreements among them. The Prophet's family is not far from it. The wives of the Messenger of Allah (pbuh) are not ordinary people, but women who are either at the forefront of their tribe with their ancestry, intelligence and beauty, or who are one step ahead with their conversion to Islam and their services. According to the laws of God, the same poles repel each other, while the opposite poles attract each other. They are all very precious and it is perfectly natural for a repulsion force to develop between them. It is necessary to think of the Prophet's (pbuh) houses as a school. The state of our mothers when they entered that house is not the same as the degree they reached when the Prophet (pbuh) passed away. Differences of opinion and conflicts between members of the family, deterioration of the balance in relations, and weakening of solidarity are among the events seen in every family. The Prophet (pbuh) was able to have controversies with his wives, even if it was a rarely example. However, in these discussions, it is seen that he does not allow violence and tries to solve the issues patiently and by talking to each other, and sometimes asks for help from his close circle or relatives of his spouses. ʿĀʾIs̲h̲a is the most prominent among the wives of the Messenger of Allah, except for Khadija. She himself knew this and was voicing this claim against the other wives of the Messenger of Allah (pbuh). When the Prophet (pbuh) married Umm Salama, people talked about his beauty. ʿĀʾIs̲h̲a, who heard these praises, was very upset about the new rival who came to her. With Zaynab bt. ḎJ̲aḥs̲h̲ stepping into the house of the prophet, the balances changed and a fierce rivalry began between her and ʿĀʾIs̲h̲a. Just as ʿĀʾIs̲h̲a was proud of her superiority, Zaynab began to brag about her superiority. ʿĀʾIs̲h̲a had a special place among the wives of the Prophet. This was evident from the fact that the Messenger of Allah (pbuh) said at every opportunity that he loved him very much. The Messenger of Allah (pbuh) did not hesitate to express this either. When the Prophet (pbuh) went on an expedition, he would treat his wives fairly and draw lots so that he would not cause hatred or envy among them. When the lottery went out to another wife besides ʿĀʾIs̲h̲a, the dissatisfaction on his face could be felt. Among his other wives, the Prophet tried to protect and watch over his wife, Safiyya, at every opportunity, which he felt was strange because he was later included among them and was of Jewish origin. Although Mariye was a slave, she became one of the envied women among the wives of the Prophet after she gave birth to her son Ibrahim to the Messenger of Allah (pbuh). Undoubtedly, it was ʿĀʾIs̲h̲a who envied him the most. (shrink)

Dinin temel kaynaklarının Arapça olması, sınırların genişlemesine paralel olarak dilin Arap olmayanlara öğretilmesi ihtiyacı, dilde hataların (lahn) yaygınlaşması, resmî yazışmalarda Arapçanın hâkim dil olması ve bilim dili olarak kullanılması gibi sebeplerle Arapça, dinî ilimlerle birlikte öğretimi yaygın bir şekilde yapılan ilimler arasında yer almıştır. Dinî metinlerin daha iyi anlaşılmasını sağlamak, verilecek dersleri açık ve anlaşılır bir şekilde sunmak, nitelikli bir vaiz ve hatip olmak, delil getirmek ve düşünceyi temellendirmek, münazara ve cedelde başarılı olmak Arapçaya iyi derece hâkim olmayı gerektirmekteydi. Bu (...) sebep ve ihtiyaçlar nahvin bir ilim dalı olarak teşekkülüne ve öğretimine zemin hazırlamış; öğretimi bâdiye (çöl), küttâb, ev, mescit, cami, kitapçı dükkânları, kütüphaneler, devlet daireleri ve medreseler gibi mekânlarda gerçekleşmiştir. Bu çalışma, Arapça öğretimini medreseler açısından ele almakta olup Nizâmiye ve Müstansıriyye Medreseleri merkeze alınarak genelde edebî ilimleri özelde ise nahiv öğretimini konu edinmektedir. Araştırmanın amacı, Arap dilinin söz konusu medreselerde hem dinî ilimlere hazırlayıcı ve destekleyici hem de ayrı bir alan olarak tedris edildiğini ortaya koymaktır. Bu bağlamda çalışma; medreseler kurulmadan önce Arap dilinin hangi merkezlerde tedris edildiğini, medreseler kurulduktan sonra bunun ne şekilde devam ettiğini ortaya koymayı hedeflemektedir. Nizâmiye Medreseleri, Büyük Selçuklu veziri Nizâmülmülk (öl. 485/1092) tarafından 449-450/1057-1058 yıllarında ilki Nîşâbur’da olmak üzere Bağdat merkezli kurulan medreselerin genel adıdır. Müstansıriyye Medresesi ise Abbâsî Devleti (750-1258) halifelerinden Ebû Ca‘fer Mansûr Müstansır-Billâh (623-640/1212-1242) tarafından 625/1227-28 ile 631/1233-34 yılları arasında inşa edilmiştir. Sözü edilen medreselerde -özellikle Nizâmiye Medreselerinde- ağırlıklı olarak dinî ilimler (Şâfiî fıkhı, hadis, Kur’ân ve tefsir gibi) ve bunlar arasından özellikle fıkıh ilimleri (fürû‘, usûl, ferâiz, mezheb ve hilâf) tedris edilmiştir. Bu medreselerde müstakil nahiv kürsüsü veya nahve ayrılmış bir bölüm bulunmamakla beraber kendisine olan ihtiyaçtan dolayı nahivle ilgili derslerin verildiği kaynaklardan anlaşılmaktadır. Zira Bağdat Nizâmiye Medresesi’nin vakfiyesinde nahvin öğretimi için bir nahiv hocasının alınacağı açıkça belirtilmekte, üstelik burada görev yapan müderrisler arasında hatırı sayılır nahiv âlimi bulunmaktadır. Ayrıca medreselerde öğrenim gören talebelerin biyografilerinden hareketle de nahiv ilminin öğretildiği anlaşılmaktadır. Araştırma tarihsel bir konuya odaklandığı için yazılı dokümanların incelenmesi tekniğiyle ele alınmıştır. Buna göre veriler öncelikle dönemle/medreselerle ilgili temel kaynaklardan hareketle elde edilmiş; bilhassa yorum, karşılaştırma, çıkarım ve iddiaların temellendirilmesinde güncel araştırmalardan da istifade edilmiştir. (shrink)

Ibn al-ʻArabī, 1165-1240.; Fuṣūṣ al-ḥikam; criticism and interpretation; Islamic philosophy; early works to 1800.

Güfte mecmûaları, Türk Mûsikîsi tarihinin en önemli kaynaklarındandır. Güfte mecmûaları eserlerin sadece güfteleri hakkında değil, o eserlerin formları, usûlleri, makam ve bestekârları hakkında da bilgi verdiği gibi, Türk mûsikîsi târihi ve kültürü yönüyle derlendikleri ve yazıldıkları dönemin de bir bakıma aynası olma görevini yapar.‎ Bu mecmûalar genel anlamda güfte mecmuaları şeklinde isimlendirilmiş olsa da ihtiva ettiği konuları itibariyle dînî ve dindışı şeklinde ayrıma da tabi tutulmuştur. Zamanla yapılan incelemeler neticesinde ise şiir mecmûası, şarkı mecmûası, ilâhî mecmûası vb. başlıklarla tasnif edilmiştir. (...) Güfte mecmûalarının türlerinden biri olan ilâhî mecmûaları da tertib edildiği dönemdeki tekkelerin mûsikî târihi, edebiyat, sanat ve kültür târihi açısından önemli bilgiler verdiği gibi tekkelerin mûsikîsi ile alakalı eserlerin günümüze ulaşmasını sağlamıştır. Bu çalışmamızda İstanbul Üniversitesi Nadir Eserler Kütüphanesinde TY 4116 no’da kayıtlı Tekirdağlı eş-Şeyh el-Hâc Hâfız Mehmed Rifʿat’ın “Ebhe’n-neğamât fî terennümâti’l-ilâhiyyât” ‎isimli güfte mecmuasında bulunan ilâhî formundaki eserlerin makâm, usul, bestekâr, güftekâr, nota durumu, eserlerde geçen tarikat isimleri ve güftelerin farklı besteleri yönüyle analizleri yapılmıştır. (shrink)

Kitap ve Sünnet’in öncelikli muhatabı olan sahabe, dinî esasları en doğru şekilde öğrenen, yorumlayan ve yaşayan insanlara işaret etmesi bakımından dinde bir konum sahibi olmuş, Kitab ve Sünnet’in bilinmesinde ve anlaşılmasında da kaynak kabul edilmiştir. Dinî esasların devamlılığı ve kalıcılığı da sahabenin çabasıyla mümkün olmuş, onlar ilahi hakikatlerin, bozulmadan korunarak sonraki insanlara ulaştırılmasını sağlamışlardır. Bununla birlikte sahabe arasında yaşanan birtakım tartışmalar da sonraki dönemde farklı itikadî yorumların ortaya çıkmasına zemin hazırlamış, itikadî yaklaşımların, kendilerini diğer dinî gruplardan ayırmak ve farklı kılmak (...) üzere benimsedikleri prensiplerin oluşmasında, sahabe algısı ve anlayışı doğrudan belirleyici olmuştur. İtikadî gruplar, fıkıh, tefsir ve hadis muhtevasını da sahabe düşüncesi etrafında şekillendirmiştir. (shrink)

Divali, Hindistan’da ve diasporada büyük coşkuyla kutlanılan bir bayramdır. Hinduların yanı sıra, Hindistan'daki Caynist, Sih, Budist, Hıristiyan ve Müslümanlar tarafından bu bayrama önem verilmiş ve her bir dini grup kendi anlayışları ve gelenekleri doğrultusunda benzer veya farklı mitolojik anlatılar ortaya koymuşlardır. Caynistler Mahavira'nın aydınlanması, Sihler Guru Hargobind'in esaretten kurtulması ve Amritsar'a dönmesi, Newar Budistleri ise Kral Aşoka'nın Budizm'i kabul etmesini Divali ile ilişkilendirmişlerdir. Hintli Müslümanlar Divali’yi daha çok kültürel bağlamda değerlendirirken, Hintli Hıristiyanların bir kısmı ise Kutsal Kitaptaki ışık ve karanlık (...) tasvirleriyle Divali arasında analoji kurmuşlardır. Bu çalışmada, öncelikle Hindular nezdinde Divali’nin kökenine ilişkin farklı anlatılar ortaya konulmuş, sonrasında beş günlük kutlama şekilleri ve bunun topluma yansıması ayrıntılı olarak betimlenmiştir. Divali’nin farklı dini gruplar nezdindeki anlam ve önemi karşılaştırmalı olarak ele alınmıştır. Hindistan dışındaki Divali kutlamalarının Hint kökenli kişilere sağlamış olduğu kazanımlar ve gelecekte karşılaşılması muhtemel durumlarla; COVID-19 salgın sürecinde Divali kutlamalarının nasıl gerçekleşmiş olduğuna dair bilgiler güncel veriler ışığında ele alınmıştır. (shrink)

One of the most important issues that distinguishes the Baghdādī branch of the Muʿtazila from the Baṣran branch is their view on ʿAlī b. Abī Ṭālib (d. 40/661). Basra branch accepts the order of virtue of the first four caliphs as their order of coming to office, while the Baghdad branch considers the first three caliphs legitimate, but considers Ali more virtuous than them. The Baghdādī Muʿtazilīs who outspokenly defended this idea were Abū Jaʿfar al-Iskāfī (d. 240/854), Abū al-Qāsim al-Kaʿbī (...) (d. 319/931) and Ibn Abī al-Ḥadīd (d. 656/1258). Among them, Ibn Abī al-Ḥadīd was renowned as “the greatest scholar of the Muʿtazila” and was considered one of the last representatives of this school. He ardently defended ʿAlī's superiority in his commentary on Nahj al-Balāgha, the famous collection of Ali’s sermons, letters and wisdom sayings. In his defense, he rebutted some criticisms about ʿAlī’s political decisions from his school’s point of view. Many items of Ibn Abī al-Ḥadīd’s rebuttal are worthy of analysis in terms of their content, style and approach. This article aims to present a detailed account of Ibn Abī al-Ḥadīd’s aforementioned refutations. In addition to the descriptive method, the interpretative method was also employed in the article. Although Ibn Abī al-Ḥadīd did not consider Ali's infallibility necessary (wājib), unlike Imamiyya, he accepted it. Therefore, he responded to the criticisms directed at Ali, starting from the point of Ali's innocence. According to Ibn Abī al-Ḥadīd: (a) After the death of the Prophet, ʿAlī insisted on becoming the new leader of the Muslim community. He did not act hastily to assume the caliphate because he was not expecting any opposition to that. However, when the events took a different turn, he did not escalate the situation, rather accepted the status quo. (b) ʿAlī also did the right thing by participating in ʿUmar b. Al-Khaṭṭāb’s (d. 23/644) electoral shūrā. This was an opportunity for him to become the next caliph, and reinstitute a system in accordance with the Qurʿānic principles and sunna of the Prophet. (c) It was also not an error when ʿAlī decided to stay in Medina during the events of ʿUthmān’s murder (d. 35/656). He played an active role in dissuading the rebels from their attempt to kill ʿUthmān, but he was in no position to know that his activity would be used against him later by the Umayyads who accused ʿAlī of being complicit in ʿUthmāns’s murder. (d) ʿAlī took the caliphate after ʿUthmān because of his popularity among the people. In this way, he managed to prevent an unqualified person to occupy the seat of the caliphate. (e) When the Battle of Camel broke out, those who demanded justice and opposed ʿAlī were in error. (f) When ʿAlī became the new caliph, his decision to remove Muʿāwīya (d. 60/680) from the governorship of Syria was correct. This is because Muʿāwīya would have refused to accept ʿAlī’s leadership even had he stayed in office as a governor. ʿAlī understood that the conflict would end only through fighting, so he did not lose time in marching against Muʿāwīya. (g) During the battle he abided by the sharīʿa and allowed the Syrian army to access water. (h) It was not ʿAlī, but those defectors in his army who obliged him to end the fighting through arbitration. (i) When ʿAlī agreed to sign the Ṣiffīn ceasefire agreement and did not use his title amīr al-muʾminīn, he followed the Prophet's example since the latter also refrained from using his title during the Ḥudaybiyya agreement. (j) ʿAlī also cannot be blamed for those among his supporters, such as the poet al-Najāshī, who defected and joined the ranks of Muʿāwīya. The motivations for the defectors were either to attain worldly gains or to escape from punishment for the crimes which they had committed. (k) When Muʿāwīya managed to conquer Egypt, ʿAlī’s governors of the province, Qays b. Saʿd (d. 60/680) or Muḥammad b. Abī Bakr (d. 38/658), did nothing for which they could be blamed. (l) And finally, ʿAlī never had guards to protect him because he was never afraid of being assassinated. Although Ibn Abī al-Ḥadīd took Ali's innocence as a basis while presenting these views, he did not make inconsistent comments in general and did not say things contrary to historical facts. Therefore, it is necessary to acknowledge historical value of his views in question. (shrink)

Ijtihad is the mujtahid's putting forward all his efforts on a fiqh issue within the framework of methodological principles. Fatwa, on the other hand, are the explanations made regarding the questions asked in fiqh issues. Therefore, although there are similarities between fatwa and ijtihad in terms of declaring a fiqh knowledge, there are also some differences that distinguish both scientific activities from each other. Because of this difference, not every ijtihad qualifies as a fatwa that a Muslim can apply in (...) his life. A jurist who does not have the qualifications for ijtihad has to pay attention to when giving a fatwa by making use of the classical period ijtihad. The most important thing to consider when benefiting from the ijtihads that have been put forward is to correctly distinguish between the ijtihads that are historical and those that will always be used. In the fiqh books, there are many issues that can be described as historical ijtihad, in the context of their own time and conditions. Since it is not possible to present all such ijtihads within the framework of an article, in this study, the subject is discussed within the framework of ijtihads selected from fiqh books. From international relations to family law, there are many historically qualified ijtihads in the fields of fiqh, especially in the field of transactions. Today, international relations are quite different. It is of great importance to redefine the world and present fiqh rules accordingly. In the changing social structure, a new perspective is needed in the determination of the muruet. In the process of women's social position and participation in social life, great changes have been experienced all over the world and women have started to take part in many areas of life. In terms of the minimum age limit for marriage, it has become natural to marry at an older age than in the past. It has become almost impossible to act with the approach that those who have the same belief will obtain citizenship without other terms and conditions. It has become necessary to consider the views of jurists regarding the rights of non-Muslim citizens from a new perspective in the globalizing world structure. The implementation of views that give authority to private property owners regarding mineral ownership may be harmful to the security of the state and the public interest. There has been a need to look again at the legal provisions regarding the treasures under the ground in terms of public interest. In the article, it is stated why the ijtihads on the aforementioned issues have a historical character and in which framework the issue should be handled today. (shrink)

Every science examines the personal accidents of the subject, which it determines as its subject, and the sciences differ from each other in this aspect. However, sciences offer the principles that they prove themselves through the use of other sciences. Sciences take and use the principles of other sciences that they will need, but they do not have to prove these principles in themselves. On the contrary, they entrust this proof to the sciences from which they took their principles. While (...) examining the sources of fiqh and the method of making judgments from these sources, the method of fiqh uses the principles set forth in other sciences in the problems it encounters. One of the sciences in which the method of fiqh takes principles is kalām. Actually, the science of kalām provides principles to all other sciences with the conception of God and the world it reveals. One of these principles is the indeterminist understanding of the world, in other words, the theory of ʽādah (custom). The theory of custom, produced in the tradition of Ahl al-Sunnah Kalām, is a theory that cancels causality and makes all effects in the world peculiar to Allah. According to this theory, Allah operates the universe according to the laws of physics, which are named custom. However, this theory makes it possible for Allah, if He wills, to do extraordinary acts that are described as humanly extraordinary. Since the Fiqh and its Methodology, which is assisted by the science of kalām, is a science that is expected to judge according to the apparent, it seems to be contrary to his identity to make judgments by using the possibilities of the theory of custom. However, like the situation of a person who becomes a Muslim at the last moment of prayer, sometimes things get so tight that it becomes very difficult to judge according to outward appearance. Well, did the methodists look at the outward appearance and decide that this person is not responsible for the prayer of the aforementioned time, or did they come to a different conclusion by using the possibilities of the theory of custom. (shrink)

There are some radical practices of asceticism, such as wearing ṣūf (wool clothes), traveling without provisions, choosing to be single, and avoiding earning a living by working, which were generally seen in the 2nd century A.H. and were subject to criticism with the formation of classical Ṣūfism. Criticisms of these practices have started to appear in the literature since the 3rd century A.H. Early Ṣūfī writers such as Al-Ḥakīm al-Tirmidhī, Muḥāsibī, Abū Saʿīd al-Kharrāz, al-Sarrāj focused on this issue and criticized (...) these practices. How are these practices of ascetics viewed in the sects that were formed and spread in the 6th and 7th centuries? Our research seeks the answer to this question, but limits it to the example of Abū l-Ḥasan al-Shādhilī, the founder of Shādhiliyya. This question is important in two respects: First of all, it is investigated whether the determination of some researchers that al-Shādhilī taught comfort in the face of worldly blessings is also correct. Because, among contemporary researchers, there are those who believe that al-Shādhilī wears ostentatious clothes, rides horses, encourages economic competitiveness, and is therefore open to benefiting from worldly blessings to the fullest. Secondly, it includes an investigation of the validity of the belief that these practices belong to an early period in the history of Sûfism and have been completely abandoned over time. Although al-Shādhilī seems to have completed his spiritual education in Morocco with his sheikh, he later went to Tunisia with the latent command of his master. We see that in his first years in Tunisia, he went into seclusion in a cave and was completely isolated from the society and engaged in worship in a way that reminds us of the practices of the early ascetics. But in the second phase of his life in Tunisia, he went to the city on a spiritual sign, socialized, started to give sermons to people, and started to behave more flexible about eating and drinking. al-Shādhilī specifically states that he did not prefer socialization at this stage, but with a spiritual sign. Later, he went to Egypt again with a spiritual sign and got married there, started to deal with agriculture, and continued to socialize by establishing relations with the rulers. Therefore, it can be said that this new social period is a break both from the radical practices of the early ascetics and from the early period in Tunisia itself. It is also seen that in this new period of al-Shādhilī, he did not wear the clothes of ascetics like sūf (wool clothes) and did not want his followers to wear them. He also encouraged to have a profession and was generally against traveling without provisions. But there are two points to be noted here: First, these milder and more comfortable practices should not lead to a search for comfort and luxury. He continued to keep his distance from worldly blessings and to advise asceticism. Secondly, he had some of his distinguished disciples make some practices of the ascetics. The reason for the existence of these seemingly contradictory practices is that while he recommends moderate and sustainable practices to the general public and his followers, he can make the specialized sūfis more strict and difficult practices. While he was encouraging work and earning in general, not ignoring experience, including avoiding work; not ignoring seclusion while leading to sociality in general; while generally suggesting to resort to occasions, he also follows a path of implementing and enforcing radical practices such as traveling without food. Thus, al-Shādhilī is able to encompass all the seemingly incompatible practices of the previous sūfi accumulation with a point of view of spiritual rank and hierarchy. (shrink)

Anlatımda yoğunluk, özne ile yüklem arasına bir takım unsurların ek-lenmesiyle başlar. Yüklemin anlamı çeşitli açılardan bütünlenir, belirgin kılı-nır ya da pekiştirilir. Bunun için sözcüklere ya da sözcelere başvurulur. Türkçe cümlede, yüklemcil öğeyi çeşitli açılardan tamamlama görevi üstlenmiş cümle öğesi olarak tarif edilen tümleç, eylemin gösterdiği iş, oluş vb.’lerini tamamlama işlevi nedeniyle böyle adlandırılmıştır. Arapçada cümledeki bütün öğeleri içeren iki temel kavram vardır: ıtlâk ve takyîd. Itlak kavramı, özne ve yüklemi ifâde eden temel öğelerdir. Takyîd ise, cümlenin müsned ve müsnedün ileyh (...) ile tamamlanmayıp mefuller, tâbiler, fasl zamiri, nevâsıh, şart edatları, nefy edatları, hâl ve temyiz gibi diğer öğelere de duruma göre ihtiyaç duymasıdır. Türkçe cümlede tümlece karşılık olarak geldiği düşünülen meful çeşitlerini ve karşılıklarının incelendiği makalede mef‘ûlu bih, mef‘ûlu mutlak, mef‘ûlu lieclih, mef‘ûlu me‘ah, mef‘ûlu fih olmak üzere beş meful çeşidi ele alınmıştır. Arapça cümledeki mef‘ûlu bihe karşılık olarak Türkçe cümlede nesne ve düz tümleç, Arapça cümledeki mef‘ûlu mutlaka karşılık olarak Türkçe cümlede kökteş tümleç, Arapça cümledeki mef‘ûlu lieclihe karşılık olarak Türkçe cümlede sebep tümleci, Arapça cümledeki mef‘ûlu me‘aha karşılık olarak Türkçe cümlede beraberlik tümleci, Arapça cümledeki mef‘ûlu fihe karşılık olarak Türkçe cümlede zarf tümlecinin bulunduğu ifade edilebilir. (shrink)

Comprehending the messages of Qurʾān in terms of the relationship between occasions (sīra) and revelation has a profound influence on determining the contextual purpose and shades of meanings. Establishing such relationship necessitates dating sūras and verses. Although there are some oral transmissions (riwāya) that verses 12, 45, 47 and 77 were revealed in Madīnah, and some weak transmissions date this sūra as Medinan, this sūra is unanimously regarded as Meccan. Like many Meccan verses, not only the order of revelation and (...) causality of verses but also the content of the script do not provide concrete evidence about whether the whole sūra was sent down at once or revealed piece by piece or the date of the revelation. In this regard, in studies carried out on the dating of Sūrat Yāsīn, the dating of this sūra is established on the basis of the dates of the sūras coming before or after Yāsīn since they apparently have more definite datings. In recent studies done on the nuzūl order, Sūrat Yāsīn is dated on the basis of a time frame before the emigration to Abyssinia (615-616) in terms of Sūrat Maryam and Ṭāhā, or Muhammed’s return from Ṭāif and his Ascension (Isrāʾ) (620) in terms of Sūrat al-Jinn. The dating of the sūra covers a time span of 4 to 5 years and points out two discrete occasions of revelation. With this reason, there is a need for further studies to be carried out on dating Qurʾānic sūras, especially within the specific context of Sūrat Yāsīn. Traditional Islamic studies dispute the chronological order of the sūra, offering various chronological orderings for the sūra: 31, 36, 37, 39, 40 and 41. In the first part of this study, such variations and their causes are tentatively established and determining the precise chronology and listing of the sūra was attempted. Based on the analysis of the variations in the disputed ordering of the sūra, it has been found to be caused by five different reasons. When such discrepancies are accounted for and conflicts are resolved, the conclusion was reached that in almost all riwāyas, sūrat Yāsīn can be dated as the 41st chapter (sūra). In the second part of the study, on the basis of the discourse analysis of the sūra, new arguments to date the chronology of the sūra were put forward. These are; a- Because of their obstinacy, unbelievers will not heed the warnings directed at them (36/11), b- The speeches of unbelievers should not grieve Prophet Muhammad (36/76), c- The use of the word Rahmān the Most Gracious (36/11, 15, 23, 52), d- In return for conveying the message of Allah, prophets do not ask people for any wage (36/21), e- Regarding Qurʾān as book of poetry and calling Muhammad a poet (36/69), f- The possibility of recreation and reviving bones (36/78). Such arguments presented in a – f usually refer to events happening in Mecca and in particular the second part or the end of Meccan period, yet there is no exact date. g- Based on the phrase “al-Fulq al-Mashhūn”, the fact that sūrat Yāsīn should be dated after the emigration to Abyssinia (615-616) presents strong evidence that it was revealed after sūrat Maryam, though this is still not enough to give an exact date. h- In sūrat Yāsīn, in phenomenon of (a man coming from the farthest part of the City) (36/20), two names (Hazrat Abū Bakr and el-Hāris b. Abī Hāla) and two dates (month of Dhu al-Qiʿdah/April 5 – May 4, 615 and three days after Shawwal 15/February 27, 617) are mentioned in Sīra for the purpose of consolation and encouragement. In the third part of the study, in the chronological ordering of sūrat Yāsīn, information regarding the dating of sūras coming before and after Yāsīn are evaluated based on their similarity with Yāsīn in terms of discourse and diction. In nuzūl orderings, when riwāyas regarding dating sūrat al-Qamar, Ṣād and al-Jinn coming before Maryam and Ṭāhā are analysed, events happening during 7th or 10th year after emigration were observed. In addition, there were close connections between the discourse and diction of Yāsīn with those of Ḥavāmīm sūras. This brings to the mind the possibility that some sūras might be listed in the wrong place because of the vagueness of the piecemeal character of the Qurʾānic revelation and its effects on riwāyas. Based upon the findings and inferences in the first three sections of this study, sūrat Yāsīn was determined to be the 41st chapter (sūra) of Qurʾān. The dating of sūrat Yāsīn presented some difficulties especially while trying to date it according to the interrupted revelation order approach, and considering it together with Sūrat Maryam and Ṭāhā. However, listing sūrat Yāsīn on the basis of uninterrupted revelation order along with Sūrat al-Jinn, the previous sūra and Ḥāmīm sūras is found to be a more coherent strategy since it gives priority to the succession of two sūras. (shrink)

Along with the legal opinions, the juristic proofs presented to underpin these legal opinions also occupy an important place in uṣūl al-fiqh. Thus, scholars of uṣūl al-fiqh strived to propound the proofs indicating the relevant theoretical principles in an apparent and definite way. As a result, the disputed and undisputed proofs ranked among al-adilla al-shar‘iyya have been abundantly addressed in the classical uṣūl al-fiqh works. However, although it is not mentioned as a part of legal sources in the uṣul literature, (...) there has been another proof subjected to legal reasoning (istidlāl): the practice of the companions. In this study, “the practices of the companions” is used in the contextual meaing of the verbal and practical positions of the entire companions or some of them on a specific topic of uṣūl al-fiqh. By this definition, the concept of the practice of the companions is separated from the concepts of qawl al-ṣaḥābī, ʿamal ahl al-Madīnah and the ijmāʿ al-ṣaḥābah. As a matter of fact, the concept of qawl al-ṣaḥābī signifies an opinion narrated from a single companion and neither supported nor opposed by other companions, and subjected to use of legal inference for obtaining practical legal rulings. In return, the concept of the practice of the companions signifies the position that the companions hold on a topic of uṣūl al-fiqh and does not stipulate the conditions that it must be an opinion of a single companion and be neither supported nor opposed by other companions. In addition, as being related to the legal theoretical issues and not restricted to a certain region, the concept of the practice of the companions is distinct from the ‘amal ahl al-Madīnah. Likewise, it also differed from the ijmāʿ al-ṣaḥābah because the latter concept indicates the consensus of all companions on a practical legal ruling whereas the practice of the companions amounts to both the consensus of the companions and their individual opinions on the matters of uṣūl al-fiqh. Having said that, the concept of the practice of the companions has some overlaps with the qawl al-ṣaḥābī and ijmāʿ al-ṣaḥābah. It is observed in the Hanafi tradition of uṣūl al-fiqh that the practices of the companions are presented as a proof of many principles of uṣūl al-fiqh. This is because of the fact that the companions have a significant role as being the first practitioners of the revelation and the leading figures of the tradition of fiqh. Due to these significant roles of the companions, a central position is given to their interpretation method of the divine text and the technique of issuing legal opinions in determination of theoretical principles. In this study, I examine the impact of the practices of the companions on the Hanafi legal theory focusing on the work of al-Sarakhsī (d. 483/1090), al-Uṣūl, and try to identify how Hanafi legal theory was grounded, departing from, overall or particular, companions’ practices. This study consists of two main parts. First, I provide the conceptual framework by analyzing the concepts of the companion and the companions’ practice. Second, I discussed the theoretical issues rested evidentially on the companions’ practice. Hence, this study excludes the instances of qawl al-ṣaḥābī, ijmāʿ al-ṣaḥābah and the companions’ practice if they are not resorted in proving the uṣūl al-fiqh principles. This work deals with issues on which theoretical principles grounded in reference to the practice of the companions under the headings; Kitāb, Sunnah, qıyās, naskh and alfāz. When instances of the companions’ practice are in abundance in a case, I just focus on the highly representative ones and shortly refer to the others. In the conclusion part, I provide the consequences achieved by this research and some final remarks on the topic. (shrink)

Bu araştırma Cumhuriyet tarihinde Hint alt kıtasına yönelik fıkıh çalışmalarının konu aldıkları temel sahalar, tartıştıkları ana meseleler, görüşlerini inceledikleri ulemâ, muhtevâ ve sistematiklerinden bahsettikleri fıkıh metinleri, fıkıh eğitimi ve bölgenin fıkıh ilmine katkılarına yönelik tespitleri üzerinde durarak ülkemizde bu bölgeye yönelik ilmî faaliyetlerin tarihini ve gelişimini değerlendirmeyi hedeflemektedir. Hint alt kıtasının bir medeniyet bir havzasına dönüşümünü sağlayan ilmî disiplinlerden biri de fıkıhtır. Ülkemizde Hint havzası hakkındaki akademik araştırmaların yoğunlaştığı alanların tespiti ve inceleme konusu olmayı bekleyen muhtemel konulara dair bir takım (...) katkılar sunulması bu çalışmanın temel hedefidir. Cumhuriyet dönemi fıkıh çalışmalarına yönelik genel bir manzara sunmayı hedefleyen çalışmalarda Hint bölgesinin eksik bırakıldığı görülmektedir. Zira Hint alt kıtasının başta Hanefî mezhebinin gelişimi olmak üzere fıkıh tarihini yazabilmek çok sayıda araştırmayı gerekli kılmaktadır. Tercüme ve telif yoluyla bu bölgeyi bir yönüyle konu alan fıkıh çalışmalarının tarihi serencâmını incelemek ülkemizde oluşan birikimin durumu ve eksik bırakılan hususların tespiti cihetinden küçük bir katkı sunacaktır. (shrink)

Genel olarak İslam düşüncesini özel olarak da fıkıh düşüncesini derinden etkileyen isimlerden biri de hiç şüphesiz Kâdî Abdülcebbâr’dır (öl. 415/1025). Hayatının çoğu hicrî 4./11. yüzyılda geçen ve Basra Mu’tezilesi’nin Cübbâî’lerden sonra en önemli temsilcisi olan Abdülcebbâr, hem kelam hem de fıkıh usûlü alanındaki eserleriyle sadece Mu’tezilî çevrelerde değil Sünnî muhitlerde de çığır açıcı bir âlim olarak görülmüştür. Birçok Sünnî usûlcünün ortak kanaatine göre İmam Şâfiî’den sonra fıkıh usulü alanındaki en önemli isimlerden biri Abdülcebbâr’dır. Teoloji ve metodoloji alanlarında bu denli etkili (...) olan Kâdî Abdülcebbâr’ın amelî hayatını hangi sistematik çerçevede sürdürdüğü ve öğrenciliği sırasında benimsemiş olduğu Şâfiî mezhebine bağlılığını devam ettirip ettirmediği merak konusu olmuştur. İlgili literatürde Kâdî Abdülcebbâr’ın hayatı boyunca Şâfiî mezhebini benimsediği iddiası çokça dillendirilmiştir. Öyle ki Şâfiî fakihlerin tanıtıldığı tabakât eserlerinde Abdülcebbâr’a bir Şâfiî olarak yer verilmiştir. Günümüze kadar devam eden bu anlayış akademik çalışmalarda da devam eden bir kabul halini almıştır. Acaba gerçek böyle midir? Bu sorunun peşine düşen elinizdeki araştırma, şu adımlarla konuyu incelemiştir: Önce Kâdî Abdülcebbâr’ın fıkıhta takip ettiği yol ile ilgili olarak literatürde zikredilen iddialar sergilenmiş, ardından Abdülcebbâr’ın Mu‘tezile usûlündeki konumu ortaya konmuştur. Mu’tezilî bir âlimin benimsediği iddia edilen mezhebin kurucu imamının yani Şâfiî’nin (öl. 204/820) Mu‘tezile’ye olan mesafesi ve hatta onunla mücadelesine değinildikten sonra Kâdî Abdülcebbâr’ın İmam Şâfiî’nin meşhur usûl görüşlerine muhalif tavırları tespit edilmiştir. Abdülcebbâr’ın usûl görüşlerini İmam Şâfiî’nin usûl görüşleriyle mukayese ederek ilerleyen işbu araştırma, onun amelî sahada Şâfiî mezhebini benimsemiş olduğu iddiasının çok isabetli olmadığı sonucuna ulaşmıştır. Mukayeseyi, Şâfiî usûl düşüncesinin en ayırt edici 6 (altı) meselesi üzerinden yürüten araştırma Abdülcebbâr’ın İmam Şâfiî’ye ve Şâfiî usûlcülere açıkça muhalefet ettiğini göstermektedir. İslam hukuk metodolojisinin en önemli tartışma konuları arasında yer alan bu altı mesele şunlardır: Kur’ân ve Sünnet’in birbirilerini nesh edip edemeyeceği, Peygamber’den nakledilen söz ve fiillerin kabulünün ön şartı olarak bunların Kur’an’a arzı yani delil olabilmesi için Kur’an’ın ilgili düzenlemesiyle uyumlu olup olmadığının tespiti hususu, kıyas sonucu ulaşılan hükmü bir gerekçeye dayanarak terk edip başka bir hüküm koymak demek olan istihsân, çözüm bekleyen yeni meselenin iki veya daha fazla asla/makîsün aleyhe birden benzemesi halinde birçok açıdan en çok benzediği düşünülen aslı dikkate alarak söz konusu yeni meseleye bu aslın hükmünü vermek demek olan şebeh kıyası, mefhûmu’l-muhâlefenin yani bir sözün ters anlamının o sözdeki meselenin tam tersi olup hükmü belirtilmeyen meseleye aktarımı anlamına gelen karşıt kavram kanıtının sahih bir istidlal sayılıp sayılmaması ve emir kipinin hangi anlama geleceği konusu. (shrink)

Klasik fizik anlayışını değiştiren kuantum kuramı, bilimsel sahada ilk defa ortaya çıkan indeterminizm olması bakımından felsefe ve teoloji alanlarında da büyük etkiler meydana getirmiştir. Evrene yönelik yeni bir bakış açısı sunan bu kuram, tarihte çığır açarak yepyeni bir dönemi başlatmıştır. Devrim niteliğindeki kuantum kuramı, yirminci yüzyılın en önemli entelektüel başarılarındandır. Atom ve atom altı sistemleri inceleyen kuantum kuramı Max Planck’in kuantum hipoteziyle başlamış, kuramın temel prensipleri yine onun tarafından ortaya konulmuştur. Kuantum kuramı; hiçbir kesinliğin olmadığı, nesnelerin ölçüm yapılıncaya kadar hiçbir (...) özelliğinin bulunmadığı sıradışı bir dünyayı betimlemektedir. Kuantum dünyası; parçacıkların uzayda sürekli şekilde bir var olup bir yok olduğu, bir nesnenin aynı anda evrenin her yerinde bulunabildiği ve bir duvarın içinden rahatlıkla geçebildiği, iki cismin galaksiler arası uzaklıkta bile ışık hızından çok daha hızlı ve anlık bir iletişim hâlinde olabildiği tuhaflıklarla doludur. Bütün bunlar tamamen bilimsel olup gerçek sonuçları ve uygulamaları hem mikrodünyada hem de makro dünyada mevcuttur. Kuantum yasaları hiçbir yasanın edilmediği kadar test edilmiş ve bunlardan istisnasız geçmiştir. İslam düşüncesinde önemli bir yeri olan Gazzâlî, mûcizeyi nedensellik bağlamında tartışmıştır. Mûcizeyi âdetullah teorisi üzerine temellendirerek zorunlu nedenselliği reddetmiştir. Ona göre varlıklar özsel niteliklere sahip değildir, onları da aralarındaki ilişkileri de yaratan hakîkî fail olan Allah’tır. Dolayısıyla onların aralarında gerçekleşen neden-sonuç ilişkisi zorunlu değildir. Bu ilişkideki kuralları koyan da değiştirebilecek olan da Allah’tır. Neden-sonuç ilişkisindeki genel kurallar âdetullah, kurallardaki istisnâî değişiklikler ise mûcizelerdir. Gündelik yaşamdaki genel geçer kurallar (âdetullah) işlemekte olup bilim vs. bu kurallara göre yapılır. Mûcizenin gerçekleşmesi ise düşük bir ihtimal olarak her zaman vardır. Gazzâlî’nin, zorunlu nedenselliğin geçersizliğini ispat bağlamında getirdiği ateşin pamuğu yakması örneğinde ateş ile yanma arasında zorunlu bir ilişki yoktur. Başka bir deyişle ateşin özsel bir yakma özelliği bulunmamaktadır. Ona göre bunların kaynağı tamamen Allah’tır ve esasen âdetullah dışında -zıtların bir arada bulunması gibi muhaller hariç- her türlü ihtimal mevcuttur. Gazzâlî’nin bu görüşleri, günümüz kuantum kuramının neden-sonuç ilişkisine dair verileriyle uyum içindedir. Kuantum kuramına göre de maddenin en küçük yapı birimi olan temel parçacıkların farklı özsel nitelikleri bulunmamaktadır. Onların dünyasında dolayısıyla tüm evrende belirsizlik hakimdir. Her parçacık her an evrenin her yerindedir. Bu belirsizlikler ancak gözlemci etkisiyle/ölçümle belirlenir, böylece varlıklar ve olaylar oluşur. Bu oluşta her türlü ihtimal mevcutken gözlemci etkisi/ölçüm, bunu tek ihtimale düşürür. Kuantum kuramına göre gündelik yaşantıdaki yani makro âlemdeki alışılagelen klasik fizik kurallarının işleme sebebi, olasılıklarının çok yüksek olmasıdır. Fakat çok düşük ihtimalle de olsa sıra dışı ya da tabiat dışı olayların meydana gelmesi mümkündür. Bu ise mûcizelerin imkanını göstermektedir. (shrink)

Prophethood (nubuwwah) is a divine institution that teaches the healthy progression of relations between Allah and humans, as well as between humans and the universe. However, from another perspective, it is also considered a human institution. Some opponents of religion, lacking strong evidence to challenge the existence of Allah, direct their objections towards prophethood, which is seen as a manifestation of Allah’s attribute of speech (kalām). To counter the rejection of prophethood, scholars of theology (kalām), hadith, and Prophetic biography (sīrah) (...) have compiled a body of literature known as Dalāʾil al-nubuwwah (Proofs of Prophethood). Their aim has been to collect proofs supporting prophethood as a response to these refutations and to dispel doubts regarding it. All extraordinary events occurring from before the birth until the death of Prophet Muhammad are considered evidence.During the fifth century, a notable figure in this tradition was the Shāfiʿī scholar al-Māwardī, who defended prophethood in his book Aʿlām al-nubuwwah (The Signs of Prophethood). Aʿlām al-nubuwwah has inspired subsequent works in this field due to its clarity and robust proofs. It became known by both names, Aʿlām al-nubuwwah and Dalāʾil al-nubuwwah, as it encompassed methods of narration and debate. Within his work, al-Māwardī mentions figures like Barāhimah, Dahriyyah, and certain philosophers as representatives of the idea rejecting prophethood. According to him, Barāhimah, of Indian origin is a sect that denies prophethood despite accepting the unity of Allah. Dahriyyah is a denialist sect attributing eternity to the universe and creativity to nature. Al-Māwardī considers these philosophers as infidels due to their comments on prophethood rather than outright denial. The basis of these movements' idea of denying prophethood lies in their efforts to portray reason (ʿaql) as an alternative to revelation (waḥy). Jews and Christians, on the other hand, are portrayed as groups that accept the concept of prophethood, however they reject Muḥammad’s. prophecy. Their objection stems from the fear of their religions being superseded. Al-Māwardī counters those rejecting prophethood by addressing the public interest (maṣlaḥah) of humans, the necessity of prophets, and the role of miracles. He illustrates that prophet charged with the duty of prophethood proves it through spectacular events orchestrated by Allah but carried out through his own hand. The prophet serves the public interest by conveying matters beyond human intellect and presenting them in a comprehensible manner, thereby ensuring the worldly and eternal felicity of humanity. Furthermore, he provides evidence for the Prophet Muḥammad’s prophethood through his moral character, prophetic biography, and accounts of miracles. The biography of Prophet Muhammad’s begins before his birth, and the method of proof is used to demonstrate his prophethood. In essence, al-Māwardī’s method of proving prophethood in Aʿlām al-nubuwwah can be seen as a synthesis of the approaches used by scholars of theology and hadith. One prominent figure in this tradition during the fifth century was the Shafi'i scholar al-Māwardī who defended prophethood through his book " ʿA'lām al-Nubuwwa" (The Signs of Prophethood). In his work, al-Māwardī mentions figures like Barahima, Dahriyya, and certain philosophers as representatives of the idea rejecting prophethood. While the Jews and Christians accept the concept of prophethood, they reject the prophecy of Muhammad (P.B.U.H). These groups attempt to present logic as an alternative to divine revelation (Wahy), as their objection stems from their concern that their religions may be abrogated. Al-Māwardī responds to those who reject the institution of prophethood by addressing the public interest (maslaha) of humans, the necessity of prophets, and the role of miracles. He also provides evidence for Muhammad's (P.B.U.H) prophethood through his moral character, prophetic biography, and accounts of miracles. In short, al-Māwardī's method of proving prophethood in "A'lām al-Nubuwwa " can be seen as a synthesis of the approaches used by scholars of theology (Kalam) and hadith. (shrink)

The European Legacy, Volume 17, Issue 5, Page 705-706, August 2012.

In this study, the rational criticism directed by Ibn Tayymiyya (d. 1338) to the philosophical evidence used to prove the unity of the necessary existent in the book Kitāb al-Is̲h̲ārāt wa al-tanbīhāt, which is accepted as a constitutive text in the history of Islamic philosophy, is examined. Author of the aforementioned book Avicenna (d. 1037) tries to prove the unity of the necessary existent from different ways in his books. Kitāb al-Is̲h̲ārāt wa al-tanbīhāt is a book that includes one of (...) these ways. The evidence that Avicenna uses in that book comprises of two preliminaries. The first preliminary is made up of specifying the relation between the thing that the different perceptible particular entities are common and are different. The second one is based on proving the existence not to be the cause of essence by centering the difference of existence and essence. Ibn Taymiyya, who criticizes philosophers in many ways, criticizes this evidence used by Avicenna in his work Mes’eletün fî tevḥîdi’l-felâsife. Rejecting the logic of Mashshaiyyun as science, Ibn Taymiyya also tried to refute the philosophical and logical rules that philosophers accept and use. In this context, Ibn Taymiyya argues that not only the preliminary presuppositions of the philosopher's argument to prove the unity of the necessary being, but also that the logical principles and rules previously accepted by the philosopher are false. One of the most important issues criticized by the thinker in relation to the subject is the reality of concepts, the existence of universals, how universals are moved to particulars, and the state of quiddity. According to him, concepts are mental and universals do not have a reality in the external world. Again, he thinks that universals like humanity are attributed to particulars as attributes, and therefore, in a way, he denies the universal being universal. Because, according to Ibn Taymiyya, a certain attribute of a being that is particular cannot be universal unlike itself. According to the thinker, the commonality in the concepts that logicians call universal consists only of a linguistic partnership. Undoubtedly, it can be said that Ibn Taymiyya's thought on the issue of concepts is close to nominalistic approach in a way. But he does not directly deny the reality of the concepts. For, according to him, the concepts that are universally formed in the minds are actually realized particularly. That is to say, the universal humanity has been realized particularly in individuals such as Ahmet and Mehmet. In other words, because the humanity in individuals is particular, Ahmet's humanity is different from Mehmet's humanity. For this reason, there can be no real partnership among the examples given. In this context, the unity distinction made by Ibn Taymiyya in understanding his thoughts is helpful. According to him, unity is of two types, real and qualitative. Real unity is the unity that exists in the essence of the individual. The qualitative unity is the unity that exists between the things under the concept of the universal. However, the qualitative unity is not considered as a unity since it does not occur in the external world. In fact, this is what distinguishes Ibn Taymiyya from nominalist thinkers. If we turn back to the evidence of Avicenna, based on the objections that Ibn Taymiyya made to the logic and philosophical principles of Mashshaiyyun in general, we can say that the thinker criticized the precedents of this argument by emphasizing the knowledge that universal concepts are intellectual entities. He emphasizes the examples that Avicenna uses to show the affiliation among the things are only made up of universal notions and alleges them not to have perceptible entity. Thus, he says that there is not a real affiliation among different particular entities that have perceptible existence. As to the second preliminary, Ibn Taymiyya says that this preliminary is also inaccurate for the reason that it is, like the first preliminary, based on the knowledge that the intellectual entities had come true in the physical world. According to him, the essence is made up of intellectual conceptualization. Therefore, it has not physical reality. After criticizing the preliminaries in this manner, Ibn Taymiyya says that the analogy that consists of these preliminaries is also erroneous. Because the analogy that is based on erroneous preliminaries does not give a correct result. (shrink)

Sufficient conditions are given for the computation of an arc that accesses a point on the boundary of an open subset of the plane from a point within the set. The existence of a not-computably-accessible but computable point on a computably compact arc is also demonstrated.

We use the compactness theorem of continuous logic to give a new proof that $$L^r([0,1]; {\mathbb {R}})$$ isometrically embeds into $$L^p([0,1]; {\mathbb {R}})$$ whenever $$1 \le p \le r \le 2$$. We will also give a proof for the complex case. This will involve a new characterization of complex $$L^p$$ spaces based on Banach lattices.

Arguing that the universe is absolutely directioned and that there exist spatial (directional) relations that Leibniz overlooked, H. Scott Hestevold formulates a new relationalist theory of space, exploring its implications for the Special Composition Question, reductivism regarding boundaries and holes, and the nature of spacetime.

This volume is not restricted to papers presented at the 1988 Colloquium, but instead aims to provide the reader with a (relatively) coherent reading on Algebraic Logic, with an emphasis on current research. To help the non-specialist reader, the book contains an introduction to cylindric and relation algebras by Roger D. Maddux and an introduction to Boolean Algebras by Bjarni Joacute;nsson.